An Entirely Synthetic Fish

When I was a kid in the 70s, the family went car-camping to visit relatives across the country.  All across the country, there were signs by the highway for trout fishing and rainbow trout. Why were these trout found all over the country? Where did they come from? Why was recreational trout-fishing ubiquitous, like golden arches and HoJos?

Anders Halvorson tells the story in An Entirely Synthetic Fish: How Rainbow Trout Beguiled America and Overran the World. Starting in the 1870s, an effort began to spread “superior fish” around the country and around the world.  Populations of brook trout on the East Coast were declining as industrial pollution destroyed habitat and warmed streams. Rainbow trout could tolerate higher temperatures and dirtier environments. Advocates of fish stocking argued that spreading hardier fish would solve the problem, since surely it was not feasible to cut the industrial pollution that inevitably accompanied progress.

The spread of fish around the US in the latter 1800s was part of a worldwide movement among colonizing societies to “acclimatize” species  from colonial territories to the old world, and from the old world to the new. Starlings were imported to the US by an eccentric New York drugs manufacturer who believed that US culture would be elevated by exposure to all of the species mentioned in Shakespeare; starlings were among his greatest successes. Halvorson connects the confident dissemination of species around the globe with broader ideologies:

As a philosophy, acclimatization fit well with American ideas of progress and manifest destiny. The white man would rightfully and inevitably replace the native people of the continent, civilization would supplant wilderness, and new plants and animals would ultimately oust their native counterparts. “Our only object can be to improve our fishing, and make our stock of sporting fish, if possible, the best in the world,” wrote one avid promoter of the idea.” Let the best fish, like the best man, win.”

Rainbow trout were considered elite among fish; they were seen as a noble adversary for sport fishing since they were easily attracted to fishing lures and tended to struggle aggressively on the fishing line.  The spread of rainbow trout across the US helped support the rapid growth of fishing as a sport. Fin de siecle promoters were concerned about the decline of white Anglo-Saxon manhood as the upper classes enaged in white collar work while immigrants and African-Americans took over physical labor. Hiking, camping, fishing and other outdoor sports would bolster white masculinity.

Starting in the late 1900s parks started to make money by charging for fishing permits; the trend escalated in the mid-20th century with the federalization of fishing licence fees. The fees from recreational fishing fed a massive rainbow trout hachery and stocking enterprise. After World War II, an enterprising former military pilot experimented and found that fish would survive being dropped from airplanes, and demobilized pilots made their living “planting” fish in lakes and rivers on a grand scale around the country. Fish stocking was extremely popular; fishing hobbyists would beg game services to stock their favorite fishing spot.  By 2004, the US government disseminated over 40 million pounds of fish per year, over half of which consisted of rainbow trout.

But the system started to slowly unravel starting in 1962, when fishing management agencies botched an effort to poison all of the fish in the Green River watershed, covering most of southeastern Wyoming and a chunk of Northwestern Utah. The practice of poisoning existing “inferior” species and replacing them with trout had become routine in the 1950s. The agencies had planned to introduce an antidote to stop the poisoning north of Dinosaur National Monument, a newly minted national park that had recently been saved from development by the rising Sierra Club. But the antidote failed; the fish in the national park were killed, the story made the news, and the seemingly sensible policy of replacing species wholesale never seemed quite so benign again.

Gradually, research into river ecosystems cast increasing doubt on the benefits of stocking lakes and rivers with rainbow trout. In the 1960s, government scientists inventoried fish and realized that restocking waters where trout were already acclimatized actually had a negative return. When new fish were stocked, the newcomers, raised in the crowded hatcheries, aggressively competed with existing fish but didn’t survive long in the wild; the net result was fewer fish, not more fish. Some fisheries started cutting back on fishing in areas where “wild” fish were already doing fine.

In the 1990s, research into the ecosystems of Sierra Lakes, which had no fish until the stocking program, revealed that the introduced fish devastated the populations of frogs, birds and bats. When fish were removed, the other species bounced back.  In many districts today, the fish and wildlife agencies are attempting to gradually reversing the stocking of rainbow trout, and seeking to  restore the balance of earlier species. The restoration can be difficult since Rainbow Trout have interbred with native species. It is difficult to determine which populations have enough of the native species to be worth special efforts to preserve.

“An Entirely Synthetic Fish” joins the short list of my favorite books of environmental history, for the way that reveals strange and changing trends in American society, while unravelling the history of seemingly ordinary fishing spots around the country. Yet the story Halvorson tells reveals that seemingly rational efforts to understand and deal with the natural world were intertwined with human ideologies about ethnicity, gender, and the relation between people and the rest of the natural world. Even contemporary focus on restoring native habitats reflects human-centerered attitude toward nature; in this case the pre-stocking native ecosystem is seen as better, although the continent has seen numerous turnovers of species resulting from introductions and extinctions not caused by people. Activities conducted under the auspices of science, government authority, and popular demand are vulnerable to the follies of their time, which is cause for humility and skepticism about conventional wisdom.

The claustrophobia of personalization

This past weekend I watched a couple of movies based on Netflix recommendations which dredged up films that I’d wanted to watch for ages. I liked the movies – Netflix had it right. But the process of trolling through Netflix recs leaves me with a feeling of claustrophobia. I page through screen after screen, recognizing the same attributes I find pleasing. One of the things that I like best is finding new esthetic experiences through the tastes of other people. There needs to be some commonality – I’m not going to like super-violent movies or really schmaltzy ones. But I can expand what I like by experiencing what someone else enjoys. Browsing the Netflix recs created a strange sense of ennui – being bored with my own esthetic.

John Battelle made a related point last fall, when he wrote about the limits of the spread of dependent identity on the web (you can call it “facebookification”). If your identity follows you around to different social contexts, this constrains your ability to approach new social contexts and engage yourself quietly and gradually. He gives the example of listening to a group of cyclists discuss bikes, and having his favorite model immediately shared, rather than disclosing the information gradually. The availability of immediate identity has the potential to make the online world less like an urban area, where there are new social contexts to engage with, and more like a small town, where everyone remembers what you did a decade or two ago.

Battelle suggests that social software patterns should add nuance – the ability to choose when to disclose one’s identity in a new site – to mitigate the chilling effect of premature disclosure The claustrophobia of personalization might be mitigated with different patterns, ways of adding in social influences.

In the early days of the internet, Nicholas Negroponte talked about the promise and the threat of the “daily me” – news services that support the interests and the prejudices of the viewer. Considering total and immediate personalization as the extreme of a continuum, there are interesting opportunities to add back flexibility and diversity to the experience.

The High Cost of Free Parking

Why did the US landscape become covered in sprawl in the second half of the 20th century? Why were retail stores located in strip malls and shopping centers where it was impossible to walk, while downtown districts languished? One key reason is that it wasn’t legal to build compact shopping areas, because postwar legal codes quickly added mandatory parking requirements for new buildings. And it wasn’t legal to rehab older buildings and convert them to new uses unless they could retroactively add as much parking as a suburban shopping center. Parking requirements institutionalized the designs we recognize as sprawl.

But, isn’t all that parking needed? In The High Cost of Free Parking UCLA professor of urban planning Donald Shoup explains that the parking requirements used across the US are based on bad data and poor logic. The “bible” used by local planners to set parking requirements, the Parking Generation manual published by the Institute for Transportation Engineers, includes information about parking requirements for hundreds of uses, from fast food restaurants to funeral parlors. Many of the data points in the manual are based on one to four observations – not enough data to mean anything. The classic planners’ rule of thumb for the allocation of parking spaces is based on the square footage of the type of building. But studies show that there is no statistical correlation between the square footage and parking use.

And the logic behind the parking requirements is specious. For each new building, developers are required to build out the amount of parking needed for drivers to easily get a spot at close to the highest use of the year — assuming that parking is provided free to drivers. The prediction for the amount of parking consumed is based on a universal assumption that it is a good that should be free, and always available.

Now, if you ask drivers or merchants if they want free parking, the answer is going to be yes. Same as if you offer free chocolate or free beer. But society doesn’t provide free beer. The cost of “free” parking is built into housing, commercial building, and all other products and services. The High Cost of Free Parking totals up the cumulative value of the free off-street parking subsidy for drivers- it adds up to between 1.2 and 3.6 percent of GDP, larger than Medicare, and near to the amount spent on the US military.

A major contributing factor to sprawl is the assumption of free parking, and the mandatory requirement for developers to provide as much free parking to meet the maximum desire for free parking. This state of affairs isn’t the result of a national policy debate, like debates about whether society should provide health care or education. It just gradually accreted based on an assumption that parking ought to be free for drivers.

The consequence is a landscape covered in parking that is unused 99% of the time and development patterns that make alternatives to driving impractical and unsafe. And, as road planners eventually learned, it is impossible to build one’s way out of traffic. At busy times and places, most drivers aren’t going someplace, they are circling looking for free parking spots, even if there is offstreet parking not that far away.

After laying out the case for the cost and damage caused by ubiquitous free parking, Shoup presents a number of insightful and practical ways to gradually get us out of this jam. To reduce the number of parking spots, employers can offer employees transit passes, and options to take cash instead of a parking spot. Studies of initiatives in Silicon Valley found that transit passes reduced parking by about 20%, and allowing employees to “cash out” their parking allowance reduced parking by another 13%. These results occurred even though alternatives to driving in Silicon Valley are limited – people will use alternatives when it makes sense. Similar initiatives allow businesses and apartment buildings to replace some of their parking requirement by allocating space for car-sharing services, instead of a larger number of private cars.

Instead of requiring developers to build parking spots, some cities are allowing developers to pay cash instead – the money is used to build shared parking that can be more space-efficient than parking for each building, and allows businesses with different time needs for parking, like a bank and a nightclub, to share parking. There are further innovations in parking technology that make it easier to set prices. Digital meters can monitor the use of parking and be used to set a price that will maintain about 15 percent vacancy – a rate that ensure easy entry and exit, without traffic james caused by cruising for parking. San Francisco is experimenting with networked parking meters that charge based on availability. Similar systems have been in place in Aspen since 1995, and such systems are common in Europe.

But how to get around people’s preference and habit for free stuff? Shoup makes a case in favor of creating parking districts that sending the revenue from metered parking to the local neighborhood. This approach has been effective in Pasadena, where downtown renewal in the 80s and 90s was fostered by paid parking, with revenue used to pay for lighting, street furniture, trees, and other other improvements to the local business district.

My motivation to read this book was sparked by a controversy around a downtown redevelopment project in Menlo Park where I live. The proposals call for shorter time limits in the central district, and longer-term paid parking in lots that are a few minutes away, and for eventually replacing some street level parking lots behind the downtown main street with parking structures allowing longer-term paid parking. Local businesses protested vehemently, fearing that charging for parking, and encouraging drivers to park in lots for long visits would chase drivers to other areas. I wondered about the underlying assumptions behind the design, and wondered whether the fears of local merchants were justified.

It turns out that the dire outcomes feared by local businesses didn’t materialize in Pasadena – charging for parking didn’t chase visitors away, and the more attractive, walkable, and less congested downtown generated more business. According to Shoup’s argument, the Menlo Park plan does not go far enough. Instead of restricting parking time at popular locations on the main street, it would be better to charge for parking. For a quick stop the fee would be minimal, and the price would encourage employees and others staying for hours to park in the garage.

Defenders of suburban sprawl often contend that the American landscape has been created by “the free market.” This view ignores the web of policies and subsidies that created the current system. Kenneth Jackson’s classic Crabgrass Frontier describes the policies that favored highways and new construction over transit and refurbishing older buildings. Shoup’s book explains another important piece of the puzzle – parking requirements that result in overbuilding of parking and major subsidies favoring driving instead of alternatives. Shoup argues that if prices were used to allocate the provision of parking, there would be less oversupply of parking, and more parking available when people need it.

One of my favorite quotes is from biologist D’Arcy Wentworth Thompson, “everything is the way it is because it got that way.” There’s a historical trajectory and structural reasons that resulted in things being the way they are. But just because there’s an explainable cause doesn’t mean that the system is easy to change. One of the strengths of the book is that it describes mechanisms to introduce change that could garner support, and brings evidence for many of these mechanisms working in practice.

The High Cost of Free Parking joins a short list of my favorite books that uncover the origins and mechanisms behind aspects of daily life we often take for granted. The book long, and makes its points exhaustively, sometimes repetitively. I’ve summarized the books argument in this post for readers who may not have the attention to get through 700 pages of data and evidence about parking policy. For those who are interested in urban design and environmental issues, the book is enlightening and highly recommended.

Ken Burns’ Jazz

I got around to watching Ken Burn’s Jazz, the 2001 PBS documentary series. I didn’t love it for reasons different from what I expected. I started out agreeing with the well-known criticisms of the series limitations. It focuses on jazz before 1960, and dismisses post-50s genres, notably fusion and avant-garde. There are ten episodes, nine covering jazz til 1960, and just one covering the subsequent 40 years. The opinions in the show are presented from on high – for one example, Count Basie’s rhythm section in the 40s was “the best rhythm section in the history of jazz.” Key narrative voices on the show are Wynton Marsalis and Stanley Crouch, known for advancing a neoconservative, traditionalist philosophy of jazz music. I was familiar with these criticisms going in, and expected to watch the series for what it is, which is a history of jazz before 1960, told from the opinionated perspective of Wynton Marsalis and Stanley Crouch.

The series is primarily a social history of African-American culture – New Orleans, the migration from the south to Chicago, Kansas City – and a social history of American racism, reconstruction, Jim Crow segregation, discrimination and prejudice, and painful change. Quotes from the New York Times and other “authoritative” publications with ugly stereotypes are cited without commentary. It’s cheering that the film presumes that its audience is horrified, without needing to explain. Much of information isn’t new to me, but it’s told with a lot of contemporary photographs, film footage when it became available, and quotes. The social history through image was perhaps the strongest aspect of Jazz.

The narration over the images focuses on jazz as allegory for the social history, for the struggles and achievements of black folk, for the euphoria and despair of the roaring 20s and the depression, the promise and glaring flaws in American democracy. The narration is broad and full of cliche – I should go slog back and get quotes to illustrate this point – clouds of war gathered over Europe, people danced to forget their troubles – the voiceovers are often unbearably trite. And the allegory is too much burden to put on music.

What’s most disappointing is that almost all the music is talked over. Only one song – the 3 minute West End Blues – is played in its entirety. Perhaps Burns felt full songs and longer clips would be much for listeners – but then why take on the topic? The series has much less listening than I expected, less discussion of the music itself, and many more blanket assertions of the genius of the soloists and composers. The musical narration is padded with the epiphanies of listeners – writers, actors, other bystanders – who were struck and personally moved by the music. Perhaps the series is seeking to empower nonexpert listeners to acknowledge their own responses, but it doesn’t add much to someone seeking to get more out of the music itself. Also, it is very “great man” focused – music is described with a focus on the composer as auteur and the soloists, less on arrangements, less on relationship of parts to whole, less on interplay between musicians in ensemble.

My favorite parts of the documentary are when Wynton Marsalis picks up the trumpet and plays little examples to illustrate what the music is doing. I also enjoyed hearing Marsalis talk about Louis Armstrong – he phrases in objective terms, of course, but you can hear through the pronouncements that he’s telling his own experience of being moved and fascinated by Armstrong’s music. Does Louis Armstrong – clearly important – deserve the double digit percent share of jazz history he’s given in this show? The disproportion has been argued by people with more knowledge than I – but the central place Armstrong occupies in Wynton’s pantheon – that’s indubitable and personal, and charming.

In all, I didn’t enjoy the series all that much, and I honestly don’t recommend it, but I did get something out of it. I don’t have a deep background. So I got some helpful context from the music history. I heard more distinctions among the generations and subgenres of “big band” music. I got to listen to some musicians that hadn’t gotten through my episodic exposure to older jazz – Lester Young, Bud Powell – and subjectively here – get more of the instrumental aspects of jazz vocals that eluded earlier listening. Part of the challenge in hearing earlier music is that it’s innovations have been assimilated and are taken for granted – it was useful for for this listener to hear Louis Armstrong, the swing bands, the be-boppers, from the perspective of what they were doing that was new at the time.

Some may recommend the series as an intro for those who are new to Jazz – I’d do this only if it was accompanied by a teacher or a dedication to self-teaching that can get beyond the documentary’s perspective, and get to more of the music itself. For listeners with some knowledge, the series is a slog. There are a few blogs and websites that include retrospectives of older jazz – Jazz.com has a nifty series where contemporary musicians select favorite tracks from previous generations – this is drummer Nasheet Waits narrating his favorite recordings from Max Roach.. The Jazzwrap blog has reviews of new music and coverage of earlier musicians. I’m looking forward to dipping into these, and maybe someday getting a book to help with listening.

I disagree philosophically with the “great works / great man” theories of canon – the idea that you become educated when you learn to appreciate a set of pre-approved great art. I object to the social construction of jazz as “classical music”, which Wynton Marsalis has helped to establish. But I also listen better when I have some vague clue about what’s going on, and appreciate learning that helps me hear more. To the extend that it did that, “Jazz” was not a waste of time.

p.s. my personal introduction to jazz was through the out/avant garde side of things. Some of my favorite music these days is modern jazz that seems to have gotten beyond the tradition/avantgarde split.

Brilliant: The Evolution of Artificial Light

The plural of anecdote isn’t quite social history, but it can be illuminating. What was it like to paint on the walls of a cave by the flickering light of an animal fat lamp? What was it like at night in a medieval european town, when a strict curfew was imposed, householders needed to give their keys over to a magistrate, and someone walking about on the streets was presumed a criminal? What was it like to be a coal miner in the age when light was flame that ignited the methane collecting in dark mines? What was it like in cities, when increased indoor lighting and street lighting enabled new forms of after-dark socializing, and a new word for it, “nightlife.” What was it like at the Worlds Fairs that showed the latest in lighting as a symbol of Progress? What was it like in London, when blackout rules darkened windows, streets, vehicles? What was it like to be in a US rural village as electrification finally brought relief from manual washing and ironing?

In Brilliant, Jane Brox picks anecdotes spanning the history of lighting, from stone age lamps, through the various materials and processes used in making and tending candles, through whale oil, gas, kerosene, and electric light; and the environmental, health, and system risks of the current electrical system. The story bounces around the world in an unmethodical fashion, with anecdotes about life lit by seal lamps in the arctic, 60 years of repeated attempts to build a lighthouse off a perilous coastline south of England, valleys and villages drowned by the TVA. Most of the early stories are set in Europe, and then the narratives jump the Atlantic, with electrification told from the perspective of the US. The book was published in 2010, but the ongoing story of rural electrification in India and China, using leapfrog technology, isn’t mentioned at all.

One loose argument across the book is the way that the use lighting follows socioeconomic stratification – in earlier times the wealthy could afford steadier, better-smelling beeswax candles, while the poor made do with smelly, messy, flickering hard-to-maintain animal fat and rush lights; in later times, gas lighting and then electric lighting made their way to rich areas before poor ones, increasing the separation among neighborhoods, and between city and country. An argument through the book’s second half is that the gas and later electric lighting tie people into a connected system that is more vulnerable than the household-managed lamps and candles of the past. All the way through, the author uses anecdotes to illustrate (not with any sustained argument) that new types of lighting came along with changes in life and work – 3-shift factory work with the availability of 24-hour lighting, the rise of window-shopping enabled by light and plate glass, changes in sleep patterns with household electrification.

This isn’t the book to read to understand the workings of lighting technology – explanations are cursory, there are no pictures, and Amazon reviewers point out numerous mistakes. But the progression of anecdotes have enough resources that the impatient reader with Google, or the patient reader with access to library, can look up pictures and technical explanations.

That assessment can serve for the book as a whole. The author didn’t do original research – the stories are gleaned from many secondary sources, mostly books. The book is impressionistic, not comprehensive or strongly argued. But if you aren’t an expert in the topic already, you will learn many interesting things about the history of lighting, and have jumping off points to sources to explore further. For me, the book had answers to questions I’d desultorily wondered about over time. How were igloos kept warm and lit? What does “snuffing a candle” mean? Why the characteristic design of a miner’s headlamp? What was it with mirrors in palaces? (amplifying dim lighting sources, not just vanity). In traditional Jewish Friday night services there is an (often-omitted) section from the Mishnah about the lighting materials permitted for the Sabbath – why did the different sorts of wicks and fuels matter? (because cheaper materials flickered, were smoky and smelly).

I am a big fan of the social history of science and technology. My favorite books in the genre combine original research and/or original analysis, a coherent picture of the topic, and an argument built from the elements of story. This book doesn’t take a place in the pantheon of works by historians including Schwartz Cowan, Nye, Cronon, McNeill (I’ll stop now). But it taught me things I didn’t know, inspired reflection about things often taken for granted, and has references for further exploration.

So I enjoyed the book, and recommend it for people who are interested in the topic, and would enjoy it despite its limitations.

Midrash and Theory

Midrash and Theory is a short collection of essays by David Stern, a professor of Hebrew literature at the University of Pennsylvania. Stern is one of the co-authors of the wonderful anthology, Rabbinic Fantasies – a collection of fantastic narratives from the rabbinic tradition – the ancestors of 20th and 21st century writers of Jewish fantastic literature including Shai Agnon and Michael Chabon.

Midrash and Theory summarizes the brief flirtation between the academic study of rabbinic literature and literary theory; a hot couple on the intellectual scene for a brief moment before breaking up in a drama of misunderstanding and realization that they were never as close as they appeared on the surface.

The first chapter tells the story of the short and fractious romance. Reading Stern’s sociological and intellectual recent history, explicitly and a bit between the lines, there were tribal loyalties and cultural mis-affinities that led to actual unpleasant dissension between real people in the different disciplines. Plus, intellectual gaps between Judaic studies specialists, who knew their texts deeply and were offended by what they felt to be naive misreadings, and literary specialists, who found the Judaic specialists to be hidebound and blind to some of the implications in the material because of their historicist methodological routines. And last but perhaps most important to Stern, the Rabbinic texts themselves are resistant to some of the kinds of theorizing that literary academics wished to impose upon them, and the nature of the texts in fact reveal some gaps in the purported multiculturalist universality of deconstructive readings.

Stern seems a bit professionally disappointed by the falling out of fashion of the literary study of Rabbinics, and aware of the belatedness of the approach. Despite this, he sees insight to be gained, and proceeds to present a set of four essays looking at a set of key themes and genres in Rabbinic literature from a literary perspective. It may not be fashionable anymore, Stern seems to say, but there is learning to be had from this approach, and I will continue to develop it.

In the first chapter, Stern takes on midrashic polysemy, the love of proliferating meanings. This enthusiasm for multiplied interpretation is unlike other contemporary and later traditions of more directional interpretation. Stern’s insight in the chapter is that midrashic polysemy was always an ideal. The heart of the chapter is a gorgeous reading of a Talmudic story where the interpretation itself is happily polysemous, as is the ideology of the characters in the story, but the frame story of the narrative shows the situation to be painfully political. Students visit an exiled teacher, who lost a notorious political battle; the teacher encourages the students to to tell him new interpretations from the academy from which he has been exiled. At the end of reading the story, we are left with both pictures simultaneously, which is the gift of literature; the happily creative practice of interpretive polysemy, and the zero-sum, compromised, ironic and somewhat painful outcomes of wordly, agonic politics.

In the second chapter, Stern looks at one common genre of Rabbinic literary writing, the parable/mashal. Stern looks at the mashal from a perspective that is literary, and infused by the flavor of political intellectual history that is the fingerprint of Conservative movement academic orientation. “The mashal is an ideological narrative, and the Rabbis used it, as they used scriptural exegesis, to impress upon their audience the validity and authority of their view of the world.” Stern explains that some mshalim are concrete illustrations of abstract topics, while some are esoteric shields guiding secret meaning. But the main literary form of the mashal, argues Stern, is rhetorical.

This chapter examines interprets a mashal of a woman, seemingly abandoned by her royal husband, who looks to her ketubah (marriage contract) as a trust that he will return; the woman is Israel, who looks to the Torah in the absense of God in exile. Stern highlights the shifting of focus in Rabbinic Judaism from God directly to Torah. He also looks at the narrative and theological issues raised by the fact that the return of the husband is described in terms that are understood to be eschatalogical. The end of the story is in present tense in the mashal, but the language is understood to represent the end of time. So the narrative encapsulates within itself both consolation that the husband will return, and complaint that the woman is abandoned. Stern glosses that the act of interpretation itself is part of the meaning of the mashal, it is interpretation which enables the text to be understood as a promise of consolation.

In the third chapter, Stern talks about homiletic midrashim. He maps out the classic midrashic form that starts with one text and weaves its way through many twists and turns to connect it to the eventual, and expected subject. The form is a tour de force showing how anything can be connected to anything. This is a form that continues to this day in well-done drash as a popular genre. When taken out of context and reapplied in other intellectual contexts, it strikes people familiar with linear topical discourse as virtuosic. It is interesting and cool to read the specific history of the form in these ancient collections of homiletic writings.

In Chapter 4, Stern uses literary readings to explore Rabbinic theology, looking at two midrashim from Eichah Rabbah in which the character of God is anthropomorphised to an extreme. Stern rightly reads the anthropomorphic treatment not philosophically – as a question of whether or not the Rabbis believed God had human form – but literarily – as an illustration of God’s character and role. Stern summarizes the theological impact with a terse and pregnant statement. “There is no reason for us, the Rabbis’ modern readers, to believe more or less then they did.” The Rabbis didn’t take their texts literally, and neither should we. I agree with Stern’s admonition against naive literalist reverence, but in reading these portraits, I would go further than Stern does.

For in the first narrative, God exhibits florid and exhorbitant mourning for the destruction of the temple and the humiliation of Israel; and in so doing God feels sorry for Godself, not for the exiled, starving, physically brutalized people. In the second narrative, God appears cold, indifferent, resistant to every plea from the patriarchs in the name of god’s justice, except the last, when Rachel makes God see, by analogy to her own overcoming of jealousy for Leah, that he was acting out of jealousy for pagan dieties, and therefore to relent and promise to redeem the people.

The two forms of literary characterization that Stern examines are essential and role-based; but the characterization that seems most compelling to me is psychological. In both cases the God character comes across as abusive – in the first story, an abusive parent or partner who feels sorry only for himself when viewing the damage he has caused; in the second story, an abuser who feels no regret at his cruelty and can only relent with an appeal to his own ego.

Far from setting up the God character as the epitome of attributes of goodness, as in a philosophically oriented theological treatment, this portrayal casts god as a pathological narcissist – and the Rabbis as deeply angry at the perpetrator of Israel’s humiliation. The text is Eichah Rabbah – a text belonging to a time of mourning that is identified and isolated in the calendar – a set of feelings that one feels and moves past, and returns to cyclically. So I would not necessarily look at the god of this midrash the one true portrait, and thus to consider the rabbis view of God as a precursor to Kafka. I would look to views of God in other seasons of the psychological landscape as well, before drawing any conclusions. And I would expect to see a variety of portraits illustrating different psychological states and traits.

Overall, Stern concludes that Rabbinic texts are not very tractable by systematic theory. Rather than possessing a hermeneutics that enables forumulaic decoding, the midrash has a narrative of interpretation, and the goal of a theoretical study of midrash is to understand how that narrative operates. in other words, instead of interpreting a narrative, you look at the narration to understand how interpretation works. Which is itself one of the flavors of literary theory.

In the introduction, Stern talks about the impulse to use literary reading to reclaim Rabbinic literature for modern readers. On the one hand, it is always a bit of a shock to re-encounter the axioms and tropes of the rabbinic worldview – the making of meaning through explication of sacred texts whose every word and piece of punctuation has meeting, the primary relationship between god and israel, the narrative arc of exile and redemption, the evaluative axes of prohibited and forbidden, worthy of praise and blame.

And yet, the secularized metanarratives of alienation, of imputation of meaning through creative interpretation, the capturing of authority through reading, carry over and seep into other domains. They already have, and they are a distinctive set of practices and implied beliefs, as secularized and absorbed as the figure of the hero from different traditions, as secularized as the figures of redemption in various political schemes. In Stern’s introduction, he talks about whether this move is valid. Whether or not it is valid, he’s done it in this book; he does it sensitively and well.

I really like the way Stern reads Rabbinic texts. Stern has has a great feel for the beauty and weirdness of rabbinic narratives. There are other contemporary thinkers who read Rabbinic literature from a literary/academic perspective, including David Kraemer and David Frank who domesticate and organize the strangeness of rabbinic narrative. Stern stays with and explicates the strangeness in terms that seem related to and descended from the text without growing ideas from the text that seem like monsters to me. The psychoanalytic schools strike me that way; Bloom’s anxiety of influence and parricide; various Freudian and Lacanian readings. Don’t get me wrong, rabbinic narrative is full of weird power and gender and sex dynamics, but psychoanalytic schematics that seem bolted on to me. This is, of course, an esthetic judgement; I find Stern’s readings more congenial to the text.

The gaps Stern finds and explicates seem justified in a reading of the text on its terms, a traditional reader might find the same gaps though would bring a different flavor of explication. A slightly more radical reader like me might push a bit harder at the psychological and theological consequences. It seems to me that the openings he finds are ones the rabbis put there.

Stern is at Penn, not the Jewish Theological Seminary, but his ideology and intellectual tradition seems to come from that tradition; the Conservative ideology says that the rabbis completely transformed Judaism from temple cult to text and synagogue-based religion, maintaining and thoroughly reinterpreting the tradition. Following this move, modernists reinterpret one more time; Mordechai Kaplan takes the reinterpretation the next step to secularism.

Analytically, Stern concludes that midrashic & lit-theoretical polysemy are not and cannot be the same, because the principle that animates midrash is a divine presence with many faces, and literary polysemy is motivated by the lack of any given meaning. Personally, I’d take a humanist approach to both; Kaplan said that god is the sum total of goodness in the world, where goodness is what people do, and I might add that god is the sum total of meanings, where meanings are what people create.

Frum radicals, Rabbi Nachman and his postmodern disciple Ouaknin, will revel in the alternation and co-presense of faith and doubt. The conservatives and the humanists focus on the human action of feeling doubt and choosing to make meaning. This perspective may be out of fashion, it was already out of fashion when Stern wrote it fifteen years ago, but it’s as close as I may get to theology.

As a nonprofessional, I look at the academic-world sociology as a spectator. I watched the drama out of the corner of my eye through my adult intellectual life – when I started noticing it heading to college in the early 80s it was actually starting to happen, and when it was apparently in full bloom I had friends launching academic careers under the rubric. The careerist academic implications – how easy it is to get one’s paper’s published or to get jobs, are remote to me. These ideas have been and are deeply influential for the way that I think. I don’t have to care whether it’s professionally fashionable or not – I can learn from it and enjoy it.

For others who are interested in connections between Rabbinic and contemporary thought, I strongly recommend this book.

Facebook groups are forever

Brian Solis uncovered an interesting feature of Facebook groups – if you unsubscribe from a group, you cannot join it ever again. This is portrayed as a feature to improve the social dynamics of groups, by making people use care about which groups they invite others too, and which they expect.

Update: Actually, you cannot be re-invited to the group ever again. If it is an Open group, it’s possible that you can choose to rejoin it (if someone has tested this, please write in comments). But the inviter definitely can’t invite you again, which is awkward. And if it’s a private group, you’re stuck.

I find this policy much too draconian. As in other aspects of life, one’s time, availability and interests change. Perhaps you don’t have time to join a book club now, but your schedule changes in six months. Perhaps when your friend invites you to the “Save the Bay” group, you are not interested at first, but then you learn more and decide later that you want to participate. I understand that Facebook is trying make people use care when inviting others, but this seems extreme to me. There are very few decisions in life that are permanent, and choosing not to join a Facebook group should not be one of them!

Some people are speculating that Facebook groups will help Facebook compete with Twitter by providing more focused ways of sharing and discussing information. But this will certainly not happen if a user has only one chance to explore an interest before giving up on it forever.

Years ago, David Weinberger wrote beautifully about the importance of ambiguity in our real-life social networks. When someone asks you to lunch and you say that you are busy, it could mean that you would like to get together later, or that you don’t actually want to get together with this person very much. The ambiguity is expected, and the outcomes play out in repeated interactions over time. If somebody asks a few times with no response, they stop asking. There are many fewer situations in life where one wants or needs to say “don’t ask me ever again.” Facebook is eliminating the good ambiguity, skipping from “yes immediately” to “never again” with nothing in between.

One of the problems Facebook is seeking to minimize spam invitations – so an over-aggressive inviter can’t invite the same person over and over again. But there is a much simpler solution to this problem – allow a user to block the inviter or the group. Twitter has an excellent “block” and report for “spam” features – if you don’t want someone following you you can block them, and if someone sends you spam messages or their stream is clearly inappropriate you can report them. These features gives the control to users, without restricting their future choices.

Facebook has a difficult design challenge: make the system easy to use, encourage people to use the system responsibly, and support a wide enough array of social life well enough that it becomes a utility. Hopefully Facebook will see the light and make leaving a group more flexible, and provide better ways of severing ties when that’s needed.

Culture vs. Brand

When the local newspaper published a story about the cyclist who was killed on El Camino Real near Atherton I didn’t recognize the name, but I thought I recognized the face. Then at Menlo Park Peet’s there was a picture frame with the picture, and a hand-written note of condolence and a reference to the person’s favorite drink. I must have seen the man in line for coffee, or sitting at a table with fellow cyclists, with bikes lined up outside.

Peet’s had a nice display about Turkish Coffee, with an attractive sign, and special paraphernalia to make it, and special cups to drink it, and glass bottles of cinnamon sticks and cardamom pods, and cards with instructions. The display was intended to reinforce customers’ self-image as connoisseurs, with taste and skill that can be easily acquired with packaged products and step-by-step instructions, and thereby to sell additional products. The display seemed to me like a good example of branding, executed with attention and professionalism.

The photo of the late customer seems like culture. I’ve also seen this custom at Palo Alto Peet’s. A sign that the slight ties among people who serve and make coffee, the vague recognition of each other’s faces from the morning’s ritual, counts as part of our ordinary sense of community. This seems to me like a sign of values that encourage recognizing the humanity of our fellows. I’ll ask the manager how the memorials get suggested and posted.

Design for social – beyond hello

Josh Porter’s presentation from the “Warm Gun” conference on design for social is quite good, but not does not get very far into social experiences.

The three principles in the presentation are: design for the individual first, give people control, and derive complex experiences from simple ones. “Design for the individual first” is a good heuristic – it uses the classic example of the design of the social bookmarking tool Delicious, which starts out as a tool for organizing one’s own bookmarks, and becomes more valuable when others use it. But what do you do after it’s useful to individuals? Delicious never was all that good at social experience – it’s hard to find people, hard to find interests through people, impossible to invite your friends.

Interestingly, Twitter is following this process backwards. It started as a tool for information sharing and simple conversation. Twitter became massively popular, even though the personal experience for a new user who didn’t have a community on twitter was rather baffling. Only now is Twitter going back to provide a better early experience for people before their experience becomes social. (There’s an article about this that I recently saw – will add the link when I find it again!)

“Give people control” provides examples primarily about profiles and personal data sharing – about me. This is very important, and bad to get wrong. There are also important social steps throughout the experience – the experience of inviting friends, of being invited, of setting a shared social expectation about the privacy and accesss to what’s being shared. This is the part of experience, for example, where Facebook Groups make some mistakes.

Once again, building complex experiences from simple ones is a key point. If a user is confused on the first day, they won’t get started, and they won’t get to the rich experiences later. So, how to manage this process of building? This is something that game designers think a lot about – how can non-game social experiences deepen over time as well?

I liked the presentation and learned from – it highlights critical things that services get wrong, that will kill a service before it takes off. A short presentation can’t capture it all. And designing for social goes far beyond the personal use and “hello” stage that were in the slides.

By contrast, this Social Play presentation picks up where Porter leaves off. It talks about principles of social games: Spontaneity, Interruptability, Continuity, Discovery, Virality, Narrativity, Expression, Sharing, Sociability and Competition. Now, these are social!

The last seven principles on the list are obviously all social (and it’s telling that competition is last on the list.) Find people, invite others, share emotions, stories, things. The first three items on the list are less obviously social – they’re about time. At first glance, what does this have to do with social experience? But if you’re creating and engaging in a mediated experience, how do you handle the sharing of periodic or discontinuous time? The handling of time is actually critical to a mediated social experience.

I’m glad to see social design on the agenda of a design conference – now, more please on social design!

New Facebook groups: the good and the bad for organizers

Facebook groups addresses one of its biggest weaknesses for organizers, but leaves one big problem in place, and creates a whole new one. A little while ago I wrote a post about a big weakness of Facebook for organizing. In Facebook, it’s pretty easy to get people to share information and actions in their existing social network. And it’s pretty easy for an organization to set up a “fan page” with numerous followers. But was pretty hard to get people to meet each other, who didn’t know each other before, because of the feature affordances and social norms in Facebook. For an organizer who wants their movement to grow, it is very powerful to connect people across weak ties, and to help new, casual acquaintances to build closer relationships. Even if you participated in a conversation with a stranger in a Facebook conversation, that still wasn’t enough connection to overcome the barrier and “friend” someone you hadn’t met before.

Facebook Groups transforms that dynamic. A Facebook Group makes it possible to create a shared space, with a shared hame, a shared image, a shared conversation, shared pictures, and thereby ways to have a bit of shared identity. While it’s pretty awkward, given the norms of Facebook, for people who meet in a “Drive Less Challenge” Facebook discussion, or a conversation thread triggered by a mutual friend’s post, it feels to me a lot more congenial to “friend” someone that you meet in a group, once you’ve had some shared discussions. The invitation and the shared context seems to lower the barrier to making friendly acquaintances with a new person.

But Facebook has put up two large barriers to using Facebook groups successfully for organizing. The first barrier is scaling. A successful group can easily outgrow the 150 person limit that the Facebook team mentioned at their launch event. And then, Facebook peremptorily turns off features that can get harder to manage with larger groups, such as group chat. Now, it is true that chat is hard to scale with a lot of people at the same time. But groups scale successfully not just because of feature changes (though tools to help), but because of culture and practices of facilitation and tummeling. It is very easy for moderately successful community groups to grow over that 150 person limit, and then be disabled in capability.

And what then? At the same time they announced groups Facebook just announced the ability for *individual users* to export their own information. But that export capability does not exist for groups. So, if your “South Bay Classical Music Lovers” group wants to move, they have no ability to export their contact information, their shared pictures, their shared content. Individuals are free to leave, but groups (at least for now) are held hostage. So groups that want to use Facebook for part of their online interaction would do well to maintain a separate location for contact information and assets that they may want later to move.

Facebook Groups solved one of the biggest problems for organizers – the difficulty in introducing members to each other. But it creates new problems – it’s hard to grow, and it’s hard to leave.